Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?». I would like to find all Hitler speeches in original German, but the more I look, the less I find. Sure there are a few here and there, but his complete speeches in German are nowhere to find. I did find a full text on , (linked to also in this answer) but sadly that is only in English. Also the search. О сервисе Прессе Авторские права Связаться с нами Авторам Рекламодателям Разработчикам. Главная» Новости» Слова гитлера на немецком. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком текст.
служба утерянных цитат - 9
Речь 02. Речь 13. Речь 18. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Речь 27. Речь 20. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить интересам всего народа. Речь 06. Прокламация 01.
Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет нашему великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 01. Речь 24.
Речь 01. Речь 24. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры.
Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Эти люди — повсюду, но нигде они не дома. Речь 10. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Я создал … совершенно новое движение. Движение, которое с самого своего зарождения и вопреки всем явлениям распада в окружавшей его действительности вновь созидало народную общность. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства.
Истинную ценность любому движению придают только люди. Люди, которые, руководствуясь смыслом этого движения, воплощают его идеи в жизнь. Речь 07. Речь 05.
I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only.
It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am determined to solve 1 the Sudeten question and 2 to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Czechoslovakia that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so.
I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory.
Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation. Since 6. Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever departs from the rules of humane warfare can only expect that we shall do the same. I will continue this struggle, no matter against whom, until the safety of the Reich and its rights are secured. For five years now I have been working on the building up of the German defences.
Over 90 millions have in that time been spent on the building up of these defence forces. They are now the best equipped and are above all comparison with what they were in 1914. My trust in them is unshakable. When I called up these forces and when I now ask sacrifices of the German people and if necessary every sacrifice, then I have a right to do so, for I also am to-day absolutely ready, just as we were formerly, to make every possible sacrifice. I am asking of no German man more than I myself was ready throughout four years at any time to do. There will be no hardships for Germans to which I myself will not submit.
My whole life henceforth belongs more than ever to my people. I am from now on just first soldier of the German Reich. I have once more put on that coat that was the most sacred and dear to me. I will not take it off again until victory is secured, or I will not survive the outcome. As a National Socialist and as German soldier I enter upon this struggle with a stout heart.
Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time. What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation?
If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated. During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions. Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions.
I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors. Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity. In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation. From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth.
On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are. But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr.
Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives. I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal? I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease.
I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high. I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production.
Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them. I should not be acquitted before the bar of our history if I neglected something—no matter on what grounds—which is necessary to maintain the existence of this people. I am pleased, and we are all pleased, at every increase that takes place in our foreign trade. But in view of the obscure political situation I shall not neglect anything that is necessary to guarantee the existence of the German people, although other nations may become the victims of the Bolshevic infection. And I must also repudiate the suggestion that this view is the outcome of mere fancy. For the following is certainly true: The British Foreign Secretary opens out theoretical prospects of existence to us, whereas in reality what is happening is totally different. The revolutionizing of Spain, for instance, has driven out 15.
Should this revolutionizing of Spain spread to other European countries then these damages would not be lessened but increased. I also am a responsible statesman and I must take such possibilities into account. Therefore it is my unalterable determination so to organize German lab our that it will guarantee the maintenance of my people. Eden may rest assured that we shall utilize every possibility offered us of strengthening our economic relations with other nations, but also that we shall avail ourselves of every possibility to improve and enrich the circulation of our own internal trade. I must ask also whether the grounds for assuming that Germany is pursuing a policy of isolation are to be found in the fact that we have left he League of Nations. If such be the grounds, then I would point out that the Geneva League has never been a real League of peoples. A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr.
Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into.
This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr.
Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration.
It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom.
I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected.
In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr.
Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin. I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering.
Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen.
Фразы на немецком Гитлера — история и значения
Причем слова, фразы и цитаты использовались немецкой пропагандой не лишь для укрепления воинского духа солдат или «рекламы» известной идеологии. Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). В первую очередь из-за знаменитой фразы Гитлера в 1936 году, когда он наперекор всем приказал войти в демилитаризованную Рейнскую о6ласть.
Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера
| Адольф Гитлер цитаты и высказывания. | Главная» Новости» Выступления адольфа гитлера. |
| "Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus | Carolyn Yeager | Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ! |
| Adolf Hitler: Speech at Krupp Factory in Germany (1935) | British Pathé | Я должен заявить определённо: Германия соблюдает свои обязательства; нацменьшинства, которые проживают в Германии, не преследуются. |
Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера
| Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера | Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. |
| Речь Адольфа Гитлера в Рейхстаге 1 сентября 1939 года | Пикабу | О сервисе Прессе Авторские права Связаться с нами Авторам Рекламодателям Разработчикам. |
Адольф Гитлер цитаты
| Речь Адольфа Гитлера 26 сентября 1938 г. в Берлинском Дворце спорта. | Meine Ehre heißt Treue! — (нем. Моя честь называется верность, другой возможный перевод Верность — моя честь) девиз на клинках Кинжалов СС (нем. |
| Нацистское приветствие — Википедия | Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. |
| Adolf Hitler Speeches | Журналистка немецкого телеканала опозорилась на весь мир, использовав термин, который был в ходу во времена Гитлера. |
| Adolf Hitler | Originally posted by azovpanzerat Обращение Адольфа Гитлера к германскому народу 22 июня 1941 Германский народ! |
| Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом - Научные работы на | Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера про евреев. |
Фразы на немецком Гитлера — история и значения
Да ни чего не значат! Они их в упор не видят. Рабочие для этих господ — не люди, а расходный материал для воплощения их замыслов, инородный сброд! И именно это является единственным оправданием для не марксистского социализма!
Мне нет нужды добавлять, что социал-демократия, в свою очередь, прокладывает дорогу коммунизму. Сила же внутренней организации народа, в свою очередь, зависит от твердости общей позиции по известным основополагающим вопросам. Все больше евреев проскальзывает в семьи сильных мира сего, подсовывая им еврейских жен.
Результатом явилось то, что за короткое время именно руководящий слой общества стал абсолютно чужд своему собственному народу. Во-первых, германец во всех смыслах устроен покрепче, чем еврей. Во-вторых, народ, за спасение которого было заплачено двумя миллионами погибших в Мировой войне, обязательно найдет в себе силы отомстить за каждую жизнь, погубленную врагами внешними, и за каждую смерть, обессмысленную предателями и преступниками в тылу.
Приложение к «Программе Адольфа Гитлера»: Изречения Адольфа Гитлера Многие поддались внушению и предпочитают более не замечать, что евреи являются отдельной обособленной расой. Однако, найдется ли еще хоть один народ, который, расселившись по всему миру, продолжал бы оказывать поддержку представителям своей расы с такой же исступленной решимостью, как это делают евреи? Зато чужих культур они уничтожили сотни.
Чтобы «стать» немцем, ему пришлось бы отказаться от своей принадлежности к еврейству. Что для него абсолютно невозможно. Внутренне еврей не может органично влиться в немецкую национальную среду по целому ряду причин: 1.
Это должно сплотить тех, в ком еще бьется немецкое сердце и жива любовь к своему народу, и поднять их на борьбу против общего заклятого врага всех арийцев. Семья … это самая малая, но и самая ценная составная часть во всей структуре государства. Но рождение и воспитание ребенка приносит женщине еще больше — дает ей право называться высоким именем матери.
Наоборот, наша идея направлена только и исключительно на осознание задачи, поставленной перед нами самой жизнью: спасение и сохранение нашего собственного народа средствами, адекватными сложившемуся положению. Интервью 03. Потому что наша нынешняя молодежь имеет равные возможности в жизни, вместе марширует, вместе поет песни нашего Движения и Отечества, и верит в Германию, принадлежащую только ей.
Их мы с самого начала будем воспитывать в духе совершенно иных идеалов, и, прежде всего, мы научим их видеть друг в друге товарищей. И здесь ценится количество, а не качество. Всезнайство, которое чаще всего оказывается «липовым», — враг эффективной деятельности.
Помимо приобретения твердых практических знаний нам нужно развитие инстинктивного и воспитание воли. Другими словами, должно вырасти поколение целостных людей, способных ясным разумом познавать вечные законы развития, сознательно стремясь пробудить в себе древнее инстинктивное знание. И здесь мы также не ограничились одной лишь теорией.
Трудно себе даже представить, в какой основательной чистке нуждалась Германия до того, как мы занялись ею несколько месяцев назад! Однако, очищение — длительный процесс, требующий продолжения. Высокий смысл физической работы заключается в том, что именно в ней с особой ясностью проявляются такие качества, как трудолюбие и ответственность.
Интервью 18. Речь 08. Приложение к «Речам Адольфа Гитлера»: Изречения Адольфа Гитлера В тот день, когда обе идеи национализм и социализм сольются в одну, они станут непобедимы.
Ни те, ни другие не могут существовать друг без друга. Они — единое целое, из которого и должен выкристаллизоваться новый человек — человек грядущего Германского Рейха. Лишь в этом случае государство способно полноценно выполнять свои социальные обязательства.
Капитал — не хозяин государства, а его слуга. Музыку же в этом заведении заказывают … исключительно евреи. И если возродится немецкий народ, будет восстановлено и все остальное.
Кровь и раса вновь станут источником художественного вдохновения. И борьба эта была ни чем иным, как бунтом одной пришлой национальной группы, прочно обосновавшейся внутри нашего народа, но так и не научившейся уважать ни гостеприимных хозяев, ни их культуру. Нездоровая расовая психология данной группы населения изначально предопределила постоянный конфликт некоторых ее представителей с окружающей их иной национальной средой, без малейшей попытки взаимопонимания и преодоления своей культурной инородности.
К сожалению, именно такие, не вполне адекватные, представители еврейской интеллектуальной элиты и занялись немецкой культурой, пытаясь переделать ее под себя. Древние греки и римляне оказались вдруг так близки германцам потому, что все три народа своими этническими корнями уходят в общую расовую основу. Так, благодаря расовому родству, бессмертные свершения древних народов вновь и вновь оказывают свое благотворное влияние на дела их потомков.
Правительству не мешало бы позаботиться о том, чтобы его народ не подвергался регулярному и целенаправленному отравлению. Требовать этого — естественное право народа, базирующееся на его сознании, на традиционном представлении о плохом и хорошем. То, что вредит народу, должно быть устранено.
Тому, кто отрекается от нации, внутри которой он живет, нет в ней места. Мы обязаны требовать, чтобы пресса стала инструментом национального самовоспитания. И те представители народа, которым свойственны эти качества, обязательно заявят о себе.
Именно они делают историю. Когда на карту поставлено само выживание народа, тогда уже не годятся ни народные представительства, ни парламенты, ни местные самоуправления. Тогда могут спасти лишь сильные личности.
Я говорю от имени всего немецкого народа, когда заявляю, что все мы преисполнены искреннего желания искоренить былую вражду, приведшую к жертвам, несоизмеримыми ни с какими возможными победами или приобретениями. Он был построен не на завоевании, не за счет чужих народов. Его процветание явилось результатом постоянного труда, несказанного усердия и неисчислимых забот наших собственных людей.
И все же внутренне мы были бедны, раздроблены и разобщены. Народ, который больше не знал, как должно распоряжаться своим богатством. Это не делает Англию принципиальным врагом Германии, однако и не позволяет упускать ее из вида, как весьма настойчивого претендента на главенствующую роль в Европе.
Ради этого двадцать шесть народов мира были хладнокровно натравлены друг на друга той самой прессой, которая практически вся находится в собственности только у одного всемирного народца евреев , только у одной расы — смертельного врага любого национального государства! Ни кайзер, ни правительство, ни народ этой войны не хотели! Вновь и вновь нас настигают рецидивы упадка.
Причины всегда одни и те же. Немец, поддавшийся внутренней слабости, утративший душевное равновесие, с распыленной волей и уже неспособный на поступок, становится бессилен бороться за свою собственную жизнь. Вот тут-то, как раз, и начинаются всякого рода абстрактные мечтания о правах, вместо практического их отстаивания.
А тем временем, пока он витает в облаках, на земле у него выбивают почву из-под ног, и отбирают вполне конкретную собственность. Поэтому сегодня им не стоит жаловаться на нас. Заслуженного ими сполна возмездия пока еще не последовало.
Мстить поверженному врагу — не в наших традициях. Но если бы мы действительно захотели им отомстить — нам следовало бы ликвидировать их десятками тысяч! Как раз наоборот, он относится к той категории политических документов, в которых победители диктуют побежденным размеры и сроки выплаты грабительской дани.
А такие « мирные договора » всегда несут в себе зародыш будущих войн. Открытое письмо от 14. Этот договор нужен для того, чтобы отправить на тот свет еще двадцать миллионов немцев и окончательно погубить немецкую нацию.
Напротив, такой договор должен быть направлен на скорейшее рубцевание и исцеление этих ран. Этот мирный договор ежегодно уносил жизни двадцати тысяч немцев. Этих людей просто лишали всех средств к существованию, не оставляя им ни малейшего шанса выжить, - и все ради того, чтобы, не дай Бог, не задержать выплату очередной порции дани победителям.
Зато у многих миллионов людей этот фарс неизбежно должен был вызвать чувство ненависти к такому мировому порядку, при котором возможна постоянная диффамация и дискриминация великого народа только за то, что однажды его постигло несчастье проиграть, после героического сопротивления, навязанную ему войну. На трон же низвергнутых королей и царей шустро вскарабкался галицийский еврей. Невозможно совершить революцию, с действительно далеко идущими последствиями, если сам народ внутренне к ней не стремится.
Who is to defend their interests and care for them? The whole community of the people? Indeed, it is its duty to do so. Therefore the whole community cannot be made to bear the burden of economic disasters without according it the right of influencing and controlling economic life and thus avoiding catastrophes. It was exclusively a problem of how industrial lab our could best be employed on the one side and, on the other, how our agricultural resources could be utilized. This is first and foremost a problem of organization. Phrases, such as the freedom of the economic system, for example, are no help. What we have to do is use all available means at hand to make production possible and open up fields of activity for our working energies.
If this can be successfully done by the economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists, then we are content. But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this. In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it cannot do—-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to face—-is to allow 12. For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value. This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out. Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all branches.
And the whole German nation benefits by this increase. For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees, but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased income. By giving employment to millions of German workers who had hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise in our total national income guarantees the market value of the goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of the National Socialist struggle. The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being released from the armament industry. One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult to find sufficient skilled workmen.
I am thankful that this is so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also because in doing so—though there are other motives also—we have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing support. Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole. At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community.
For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic.
While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense. Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself.
The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end. Therefore it is the duty of the folk-community to see that this education and higher training must always be along lines that help the community to fulfil its own task, which is the maintenance of the race and nation. For that reason we must insist that all organs of education which may be useful for the instruction and training of the people have to fulfil their duty towards the community. Such organs or organizations are: Education of the Youth, Young Peoples Organization, Hitler Youth, Lab our Front, Party and Army—all these are institutions for the education and higher training of our people. The book press and the newspaper press, lectures and art, the theatre and the cinema, they are all organs of popular education. What the National Socialist Revolution has accomplished in this sphere is astounding. Think only of the following: — The whole body of our German education, including the press, the theatre, the cinema and literature, is being controlled and shaped today by men and women of our own race.
Some time ago one often heard it said that if Jewry were expelled from these institutions they would collapse or become deserted. And now what has happened? In all those branches cultural and artistic activities are flourishing. Our films are better than ever before and our theatrical productions today in our leading theatres stand supreme and alone in comparison with the rest of the world. Our press has become a powerful instrument to help our people in bringing their innate faculties to self-expression and assertion, and by so doing it strengthens the nation. German science is active and is producing results which will one day bear testimony to the creative and constructive will of this epoch. It is very remarkable how the German people have become immune from those destructive tendencies under which another world is suffering. Many of our organizations which were not understood at all a few years ago are now accepted as a matter of course: the Young people, the Hitler Youth, BDM.
This consolidation of the internal life of our German nation also establishes a united front towards the outside world. I believe that it is here that the National Socialist Revival has produced the most marvelous results. Four years ago, when I was entrusted with the Chancellorship and therewith the leadership of the nation, I took upon myself the bitter duty of restoring the honour of a nation which for fifteen years had been forced to live as a pariah among the other nations of the world. The internal order which we created among the German people offered the conditions necessary to reorganize the army and also made it possible for me to throw off those shackles which we felt to be the deepest disgrace ever branded on a people. It was not the occasion of taking anything from anybody or causing any suffering to anybody. Second: I now state here that, in accordance with the restoration of equality of rights, I shall divest the German Railways and the Reichsbank of the forms under which they have hitherto functioned and shall place them absolutely under the sovereign control of the Government of the German Reich. Third: I hereby declare that the section of the Versailles Treaty which deprived our nation of the rights that it shared on an equal footing with other nations and degraded it to the level of an inferior people found its natural liquidation in virtue of the restoration of equality of status. Fourth: Above all, I solemnly withdraw the German signature from that declaration which was extracted under duress from a weak government, acting against its better judgment.
Members of the German Reichstag: The revindication of the honour of the German people, which was expressed outwardly in the restoration of universal military service, the creation of a new air force, the reconstruction of a German navy and the reoccupation of the Rhineland by our troops, was the boldest task that I ever had to face and the most difficult to accomplish. Today I must humbly thank Providence, whose grace has enabled me, who was once an unknown soldier in the War, to bring to a successful issue the struggle for the restoration of our honor and rights as a nation. I regret to say that it was not possible to carry through all the necessary measures by way of negotiation. But at the same time it must be remembered that the honor of a people cannot be bartered away; it can only be taken away. And if it cannot be bartered away it cannot be restored through barter; it must simply be taken back. That I carried out the measures which were necessary for this purpose without consulting our former enemies in each case, and even without informing them, was due to my conviction that the way in which I chose to act would make it easier for the other side to accept our decisions, for they would have had to accept them in any case. I should like to add here that, at all this has now been accomplished, the so-called period of surprises has come to an end. As a State which is now on an equal juridical footing with all the other States, Germany is more conscious than ever that she has a European task before here, which is to collaborate loyally in getting rid of those problems that are the cause of anxiety to ourselves and also to the other nations.
If I may state my views on those general questions that are of actual importance today, the most effective way of doing so will be to refer to the statements that were recently made by Mr. Eden in the British House of Commons. At this point I should like to express my sincere thanks for the opportunity which has been given me by the outspoken and noteworthy declarations made by the British Foreign Secretary. I think I have read those statements carefully and have understood them correctly. Of course, I do not want to get lost among the details, and so I should like to single out the leading points in Mr. In doing this, I shall first try to correct what seems to me to be a most regrettable error. This error lay in assuming that somehow or other Germany wishes to isolate herself and to allow the events which happen in the rest of the world to pass by without participating in them, or that she does not wish to take any account whatsoever of the general necessities of the time. What are the grounds for the assumption that Germany wants to pursue a policy of isolation?
If this a such an attitude, then the most than [sic] can be said is that it has been forced to do so under the coercion of a foreign will imposed upon it. Now, in the first place, I should like to assure Mr. Eden that we Germans do not in the least want to be isolated and that we do not at all feel ourselves isolated. During recent years Germany has entered into quite a number of political agreements with other States. She has resumed former agreements and improved them. And I may say that she has established close friendly relations with a number of States. Our relations with most of the European States are normal from our standpoint and we are on terms of close friendship with quite a number. Among all those diplomatic connections I would give a special place in the foreground to those excellent relations which we have with those States that were liberated from sufferings similar to those we had to endure and have consequently arrived at similar decisions.
Through a number of treaties which we have made, we have relieved many strained relations and thereby made a substantial contribution towards an improvement in European conditions. I need remind you only of our agreement with Poland, which has turned out advantageous for both countries, our agreement with Austria and the excellent and close relations which we have established with Italy. Finally, I may mention our cordial relations with a whole series of nations outside of Europe. The agreement which Germany has made with Japan for combating the movement directed by the Comintern is a vital proof of how little the German Government thinks of isolating itself and how little we feel ourselves actually isolated. Furthermore, I have on several ocassions [sic] declared that it is our wish and hope to arrive at good cordial relations with all our neighbors. Germany has steadily given its assurance, and I solemnly repeat this assurance here, that between ourselves and France, for example, there are no grounds for quarrel that are humanly thinkable. Furthermore, the German Government has assured Belgium and Holland that it is ready to recognize and guarantee these States as neutral regions in perpetuity. In view of the declarations which we have made in the past and in view of the existing state of affairs, I cannot quite clearly see why Germany should consider herself isolated or why we should pursue a policy of isolation.
From the economic standpoint there are no grounds for asserting that Germany is withdrawing from international cooperation. The contrary is the truth. On looking over the speeches which several statesmen have made within the last few months, I find that they might easily give rise to the impression that the whole world is waiting to shower economic favors on Germany but that we, who are represented as obstinately clinging to a policy of isolation, do not wish to partake of those favors To place this whole matter in its true light, I should like to call attention to the following bare facts: — 1 For many years the German people have been trying to make better commercial treaties with their neighbors. And these efforts have not been in vain; for, as a matter of fact, German foreign trade has increased since 1932, both in volume and in value. This is the clearest refutation of the assertion that Germany is pursuing a policy of economic isolation. Credit manipulation may perhaps have a temporary effect, but in the long run economic international relations will be decisively influenced by the volume of mutual exchange of goods. And here the state of affairs at the present moment is not such that the outside world would be able to place huge orders with us or offer prospects of an increase in the exchange of goods even if we were to fulfil the most extraordinary conditions that they might lay down. Matters should not be made more complicated than they already are.
But Germany cannot be blamed for these two things, and especially not National Socialist Germany. When we assumed power the world economic crisis was worse than it is today. I fear however that I must interpret Mr. Therefore I wish it to be clearly understood that our decision to carry out this plan is unalterable. The reasons which led to that decision were inexorable. And since then I have not been able to discover anything whatsoever that might induce us to discontinue the four years plan. I shall take only one practical example: In carrying out the four years plan our synthetic production of rubber and petrol will necessitate an annual increase in our consumption of coal by a margin of something between 20 and 30 million tons. This means that an extra quota of thousands of coal miners are assured of employment for the rest of their active lives.
I must really take the liberty of asking this question: Supposing we abondon [sic] the German four years plan, then what statesman can guarantee me some economic equivalent or other, outside of the Reich, for these thirty million tons of coal? I want bread and work for my people. And certainly I do not wish to have it through the operation of credit guarantees, but through solid and permanent lab our, the products of which I can either exchange for foreign goods or for domestic goods in our internal commercial circulation. If by some manipulation or other Germany were to throw these 20 or 30 million tons of coal annually on the international market for the future, the result would be that the coal exports of other countries would have to decrease. I do not know if a British statesman, for example, could face such a contingency without realizing how serious it would be for his own nation. And yet that is the state of affairs. Germany has an enormous number of men who not only want to work but also to eat. And the standard of living among our people is high.
I cannot build the future of the German nation on the assurances of a foreign statesman or on any international help, but only on the real basis of a steady production, for which I must find a market at home or abroad. Perhaps my skepticism in these matters leads me to differ from the British Foreign Secretary in regard to the optimistic tone of his statements. I mean here that if Europe does not awaken to the danger of the Bolshevic infection, then I fear that international commerce will not increase but decrease, despite all the good intentions of individual statesmen. For this commerce is based not only on the undisturbed and guaranteed stability of production in one individual nation but also on the production of all the nations together. One of the first things which is clear in this matter is that every Bolshevic disturbance must necessarily lead to a more or less permanent destruction of orderly production. Therefore my opinion about the future of Europe is, I am sorry to say, not so optimistic as Mr. I am the responsible leader of the German people and must safeguard its interests in this world as well as I can. And therefore I am bound to judge things objectively as I see them.
Вечная честь солдата, который по собственным моральным принципам мог отказаться от участия в военном преступлении, больше не существовала. Это было необходимо для того, чтобы получить безусловное послушание при отдаваемых командах, нарушавших законы и выходившие за моральные рамки нормального поведения солдата. Современное положение Использование данного девиза в некоторых странах является противозаконным. Закон Запрета от 1947 года.
Новое в блогах Сила народа есть ни что иное, как единодушие и внутренние связи этого народа. Речь 26. В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02.
Речь 13. Речь 18. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Речь 27.
Речь 20. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить интересам всего народа. Речь 06.
Прокламация 01.
Гитлер был известен своей агрессивной внешней политикой и убеждением в расовой превосходственности арийцев. Его антисемитские взгляды привели к Холокосту, геноциду евреев, во время которого было убито около шести миллионов евреев. В 1945 году, когда союзники наступали на Берлин, Гитлер покончил жизнь самоубийством.
Adolf Hitler - Speech (1933) | Текст песни
text of Hitler s. Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира. Опозорили Германию перед всем миром. Например: фразы для похода к врачу — собраны вот, а фразы для того, чтобы объясниться с парикмахером — А сегодня на очереди фразы на немецком языке, которые могут пригодится вам в самых разных жизненных ситуациях. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык.
Хайль Гитлер
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. История праздника, Традиции праздника, Тосты и Подарки, Интересные факты. Главная» Новости» Выступления адольфа гитлера. Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? Пользователь Микола Довгенький задал вопрос в категории Лингвистика и получил на него 2 ответа. This list is incomplete; you can help by adding missing items. (February 2011).